Astrolog vladimir merta

His godfather was Martin Crusius,29 still Frischlin's best friend at that time. Roeslin became nearly as turbulent scientist as Frischlin himself. After his doctorate Roeslin studied alchemy and astrology as a part of medicine with Eisenmenger at Derlach Carlsburg and again collaborated with him in , when Kepler answered to Roeslin chronological work. After count's death he earned his bread as physician at Hagenau — Roeslin invented planetary system similar to Tycho and Ursus' with a special sphere filled with comets.

In appendix to his book Roeslin described and painted all important planetary systems: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Ursus, his own, and Tycho's. Certainly the drawing of Roeslin's own system was considerably bigger. In , Roeslin forecasted the end of the World connected with the great conjunction of and observed the supernova as the very first among the Westerners.

Philipp had the troubles as Protestant in Ingolstadt, where he inherited his father's chair with the measurement instruments included in Heinrich Hermelink Ed. Zur Biographie", in: Hans Wolf Ed. The top of Strasbourg town clock described at Frischlin's poem Frischlin, During Philipp Apian's absences —, — Frischlin continued his Sphere lectures doctrina sphaerica ,36 with Maestlin among his students.

Maestlin was eventually not very pleased with Frischlin's treatment without proper astrology or study of planet movements and used the textbook of his own to learn more. In Maestlin bought Copernicus book. Maestlin substituted Apian during his absence in At that time Frischlin substituted Apian at Sunday "knight" disputations of Masters, and got the University Senate salary of 3 Bazens for each of them.

In autumn of he publicly examined no less than 48 candidates, among them three bachelors. He began with praising Virgil, especially Eneid. Jahrhundert", in: Friedrich Seck, Zum The middle part of Strasbourg town clock with astrological symbols described at Frischlin's poem Frischlin, Reprint: Frischlin, Facetiae selectiores quibus argumenti similitudinem accesserunt, Frischlin went to the Speyer Reichstag and during his travel visited Strasbourg for the first time in He was in Strasbourg again in and accomplished eighty-two pages of the hexameter poem praising the new astronomical cathedral town clock.

The clock showed the weeks, months, Moon phases, movements of Sun and planets, ecliptics, movement of the sky, hundred years calendar, and all kinds of figures. Frischlin described the gnomon and astronomical measurements of time. He published his Latin verses in Strasbourg ,53 and reprinted them next year at Frankfurt. He described Copernicus, Strasbourg picture no less than three times with unmovable Sun and orbs.

Frischlin mentioned French natural philosopher, Antonius S. Besides Pliny, Frischlin coined his verses just with one other citation, namely a part of Aelian's book called de animalia. Frischlin, Carmen de Astronomico Horologio Argentoratensi, 46, Frischlin was quite enthusiastic with the mathematical pictures of Tobias Stimmer,63 and compared Stimmer's picture of Copernicus with Apelles art. Frischlin described lifting weights with the ropes and cog-wheels, whose silent movement perceived hour after hour. Frischlin friendly mentioned Dasypodius two times with his Christian name Conrade.

Dasypodius and Frischlin had mutual friend, the Strasbourg professor Johann Sturm. Frischlin's Astronomical-physical Antagonists and Supporters at Copernicus's Era Frischlin was certainly the very first competent astronomer who brought the knowledge about the new Copernicus teaching at today Slovenian Lands, at least to Styria and Carniola. He was born four years after Copernicus's death. Therefore many others read Copernicus' work in Styria and Carniola before Frischlin told them his own opinion.

There were also many Styrian born astronomers teaching at Vienna Perger, Perlah , and the astronomer Jacob Strauss practiced medicine in Celje. But nobody except Frischlin published about Copernicus. It's not so hard to imagine the reasons for their silence in the light. It's certainly not the only event of this kind in history: Pontius Pilate's Romans weren't concerned enough with Christ's life to take any relevant notes about his deeds.

Table 1: Frischlin's contemporaries at 16th century: the bold family names belong to the Frischlin's astrological-astronomical supporters, the italics to the doubtful ones, and the normal letters show his enemies. Frischlin could be considered the first Copernican at today's Slovenian lands.

But, he was a strange and furious person, so he did not let us judge so straightforward. In fact, just at the time he entered today's Slovenian territory searching for the rector position in Graz and finally getting the one at Ljubljana, Frischlin seems to have changed his mind. At some point during his Ljubljana rector position he transformed from Copernicus fan to his antagonist. Frischlin's opinion about Copernicus was not the cardinal point of his astronomical world view at all, as some of the 3rd millenium observers would expect.

For him and his readers two other points had much more influence: Frischlin was the sharpest antagonist of all kinds of astrology, and he immediately accepted the Gregorian calendar reform at Ljubljana as one of the first among Protestants. Frischlin's calendar enthusiasm was the effect of his conviction, that good working calendar is the main if not the only purpose of all astronomy.

With that in mind, we dare to put at the limelight the list of the Frischlin's supporters and antagonists, where the main point of decision about who-is-who was not at all Copernicus, but their opinions about the scientific foundations of astrology. He tried several times to get a job in Styria Graz , worked as a rector in Ljubljana, and his best student, Hieronymus Megiser, became a Klagenfurt rector.

Upon his arrival, Frischlin was chosen rector of the new Evangelized Graz School on November 25, It was accepted at Graz on January 3, Frischlin wrote clearly, that in spite of Duke's declination December 12, he still had a great hope to get the Graz rector's job. Three years after, the new Graz rector was. Hieronym Peristerius, who previously served at Villach Beljak. At the end of the year Frischlin wrote again to Graz and signed himself as the ordinary sic! Frischlin widely discussed the recent Jesuit's arrival in Graz. The Jesuits were immediately recognized as the main Protestant enemies, especially considering their mutual competitive schools.

The antagonism between the Jesuit and Protestant Schools grew sharper each year and in the students of both schools scuffled violently. In Blyssemius taught mathematics and he eventually became the rector of Prague College. In he entered Vienna as provincial, and in he returned to Graz. Strasbourgeois Bruxelles—Paris, , — All the time Frischlin had great problems because of his quarrels and even hard drinking. He had much more success at court where Maximillian II crowned his poetry after the comedy Rebecca recitation at Regensburg ; at the same time Maximilian supported Ungnad and P.

Trubar's efforts at Urach. Within a year Frischlin became comes palatinus Pfalzgraf 73 and got the same prestigious title again in Robert J. On August 1, he took over the Ljubljana Estates General school rector's position and faced the Jesuit threat in person immediately. Economically speaking, he was at his best with a salary of fl and he additionally got a half of student's fees. The nobles gave him dear and he also daily accepted one thaler for the good strong Vipava wine,75 which he accepted gradually as an extraordinary thirsty kind of person. Next day, they issued the decree, which presented to Frischlin on June 6, On that occasion Frischlin traveled through Styria and personally visited the Estates General Evangelic school of Graz.

At the letter mailed on June 20, the Styrian Estates General didn't want to compensate the Frischlin's Ljubljana rectorate with the one in Graz. Valvasor wrote a whole eight-pages paragraph on Frischlin' case. Conclusion Frischlin several times tried very hard to get the Styrian job, but he never succeeded. He didn't get the Graz rectorship, which could make Styria the European astronomical center with Frischlin and his pupil Maestlin's student Kepler working shoulder by shoulder at Graz.

Frischlin did not make it, but his works eventually did more than just that. The fans translated his writings from Latin into German already during his lifetime, and Frischlin's works were widely used as school exercises for the style improvement. At that way Frischlin, step by step, grew famous even at Styria. Rothmann signed the last letters of the packet at Kassel Observatory on August 6, and August 22, , therefore Frischlin hardly had enough time to visit the Graz performance before showing himself at Kassel. Frischlin eventually travelled from Kassel to Kopenhagen, but somebody else replaced him as the final chain on this postman's duty, as Tycho reported to Rothmann in a letter dated at Uraniburg on November 24, Acknowledgements We wish to express our gratitude to the Mellon Grant of the Oklahoma University History of science department.

Tycho Brahe and L. Dreyer Eds. V svojem observatoriju je zaposlil izjemne strokovnjake, med njimi astronoma Ch. Redno si je dopisoval s Tycho Brahejem, ki si je svoj lasten observatorij Unraniburg postavil na tedaj danskem otoku Hven. Frischlin naj bi nesel pisma o astronomiji Wilhelma IV.

Frischlin je pisma odnesel le do Kopenhagna, na Hvenu pa jih je namesto njega predal nekdo drug. Valvasor se je vsekakor zavedal pomena Frischlinovih raziskav krasa in jih je vtkal v svojo lastno teorijo, ki mu je prinesla uspeh v Londonu. Der deutsche Liberalismus und die Frage der Nation und der Staatsordnung Vergleich mit der slowenischen liberalen Politik in den zwanziger Jahren des Perovsek inz. Eine gewisse Ausnahme machte nur die Weimarer Republik, da in ihr der Liberalismus der politische Faktor war, welcher in der Umgestaltung des deutschen Staats nach dem ersten Weltkrieg die verfassungsrechtlichen Grundlagen des Weimarer Staates errichtete.

Der Aufsatz entstand im Rahmen des Forshungsprogrammes Nr. Gedanke und Praxis der liberalen Politik in Slowenien war in diesem Punkt vollkommen klar. Mit periodischen Abweichungen stimmten alle politische Subjekte, die das liberale Lager bildeten, einem jugoslawisch-nationalen Integralismus bzw. Damit stritten sie das Bestehen der Nationale Frage im Staate ab und lehnten jegliche Form nationalstaatlicher Atonomie ab. Ihre Geschichte ist in der modernen deutschen Historiografie gut erforscht.

Dieser Zusammenhang blieb bis jetzt im Grunde genommen unbeleuchtet oder war nur in einzelnen Teilen umrissen. Nach dr. Rheinbaben, Liberale Politik im neuen Reiche Karlsruhe, , Aber schon im Jahr , als sie in die Regierung eintrat, bekannte sie sich zur Republik und entwickelte sich als republikanische und staatsbejahende Partei. April , Nr. Weimarer Verfassung: Erste und letzte Seite der Verfassungsurkunde vom Giese, Staatsrecht, 90—92, , ; Huber, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte 6, 60, Schulze, Weimar, Januar , April , Quellen zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, 5, Nr.

Aber dennoch bestand in ihren programmatischen Einstellungen ein wesentlicher Unterschied. Oktober , — So war die Rolle des National- und Staatsunitarismus bei dem deutschen und bei dem slowenischen Liberalismus verschiedene. Der Autor definiert zwar die deutsch-slowenischen Beziehungen in der Geschichte, falls dieselbe als ein Prozess betrachtet wird, als eine Konstante mit Sinus-Amplituden.

Die deutsch-slowenischen Beziehungen sind, wenn man die Geschichte als ewigen Prozess betrachtet, eine geschichtliche Konstante. In allen Siedlungen lebten wir in Nachbarschaft, die Slowenen bzw. Jahrhundert, als die Slowenen sich als politische Nation "entwarfen". Februar Schon in der Mitte der siebziger Jahre nahm ich die Forschung dieser Thematik in Angriff, und zwar waren das die Beziehungen nach Die Thematik habe ich versucht in verschiedenen Abschnitten zu bearbeiten.

Die Synthese wartet noch auf einen Autor. Juli , unerforscht. Am Niemals habe ich nach der deutschen Minderheit in Slowenien gesucht, weil sie immer bestand. Vielleicht wird jemand anmerken, dass es sich in diesem Fall nicht um Deutsche bzw. Geforscht habe ich die Zeit von Beginn des Krieges bis in die 50er Jahre, als sich die Lage wieder beruhigte und die Reste der nationalen Minderheit relativ frei leben konnten.

Die Resultate meiner Forschung waren nicht besonders ermutigend. Die Mehrheit von der Als erste Besonderheit der slowenischen Abrechnung mit den Deutschen bezeichnen deutsche Quellen schnelle Liquidationsaktionen. Der erste doku-. Drittens soll ihre Vertreibung in andere Lager Jugoslawiens stattgefunden haben, nach einigen Vermutungen sogar zur Zwangsarbeit in die Sowjetunion. Zwangsbehandlungen gab es nicht mehr und die Beziehungen zu den Deutschen beruhigten sich. Nach , als Jugoslawien am Deshalb ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass es heute nur noch einige hundert Einwohner Sloweniens gibt, die sich zum Deutsch- bzw.

Ich wollte die ersten zehn Jahre nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg bearbeiten und die Bedeutung Jugoslawiens in diesen aufregenden Jahren zeigen, die ich als Zeit des klassischen Kalten Krieges bezeichne. Deshalb habe ich mich entschlossen, aufzuzeigen, wie sich der Kalte Krieg in den Beziehungen zwischen Slowenien und der deutschen Minderheit widerspiegelte.

Zusammenschluss der Donauanliegerstaaten. Erstmals habe ich mich entschieden, die westdeutschen Archive im Jahre zu besuchen, um Dokumente zu den deutsch-jugoslawischen Beziehungen in den zehn Jahren nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg zu sammeln. So hatte z.

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Parteikonferenz der SPD eine Delegation entsendet. Kurz gesagt, ich habe versucht, eine politische Doktrin zu rekonstruieren und vorzustellen, die Adenauer als politische Option so wichtig war, dass er ihr Gefangener wurde. Heute morgen um 11 Uhr besuchte mich auf meinen Wunsch der jug. Regierung, da sie im unvereinbaren Gegensatz mit den Lebensinteressen des deutschen Volkes liege.

Der jug. Regierung und das jug. Volk die deutsche Entscheidung nicht verstehen werden. Das ist grundlegendes Interesse des jugoslawischen Volkes. Die Bundesregierung hat nicht die Absicht, in diesem Falle einen Termin festzulegen. Man rechnet mit dem gleichen Standpunkt der jug. Es war offensichtlich, dass der Entsandte, der die deutsche Entscheidung schon kannte, tief betroffen war.

Bonn, Oktober von Brentano Anwesend war auch der deutsche Beobachter bei der UNO. Walter Hallstein — September entstanden ist. Westdeutsche Autoren schreiben diese Unterbrechung auch der Realisierung der Hallstein-Doktrin zu, ostdeutsche Autoren jedoch den arabischen Staaten. Dass man sie nach gut 10 Jahren fand, kann man v. Interview Wilhelm Grewe Bulletin, Gute, wenn nicht sogar ausgezeichnete wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, die Frage der sogenannten Gastarbeiter, Fremdenverkehr, intensive Zusammenarbeit auf dem Gebiet der Kultur, Wissenschaft und des Sports lagen im Schatten des obengenannten.

Seit der Unterbrechung der diplomatischen Beziehungen zwischen den Staaten als Folge der Implementierung der sogenannten Hallstein-Doktrin am Innerhalb der letzteren, genannt. Den anderen deutschen Staat hat man strikt als SBZ Sowjetische Besatzungszone bezeichnet, wodurch man auch auf terminologischer Ebene unterstreichen wollte, dass man ihr Bestehen nicht anerkennt, v.

Schon zu Beginn des Jahres war eine der Grundlagen der westdeutschen Politik Isolierung der sowjetischen Besatzungszone. Das bedeutet z. Wir werden versuchen, zu verhindern, dass andere Regierungen Ulbricht oder Regierungsdelegationen der Zone empfangen. Die jugoslawischen Beziehungen mit der Bundesrepublik waren, trotz offizieller diplomatischer Beziehungen und sonstiger Kontakte, formell.

Januar , S.


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Text aufbewahrt der Autor. UDC Rozumek Andrej Gaspari Ph. As a specialist in counter- intelligence with wide powers, Rozumek was not only the principal person in charge for ordering the shootings of hostages and carrying out other forms of reprisals between and , but also the initiator and key figure of a complex intelligence network. Later post-war research on the operation of the occupier's intelligence services on Yugoslav territory referred to Rozumek's tactics as to a school example of the Gestapo's combat against the National Liberation Movement.

In addition to a page document in Slovenian, prepared by the end of the first half of the s, the file included a short, page text in Serbo-Croatian, dated November Some pieces of personal information in this text differ from the Slovenian text, but do not essentially derogate from the Slovenian text. The basic structure of the complex chain of events is reflected in six chapters of a dossier, describing the course and methods of Rozumek's activities in Upper Carniola and investigations on him.

General information on the organisation, methods and employees of the Gestapo in Bled Veldes in German are contained in a special KdS file with general commentaries, lists of persons with comments and statistical data, which had been composed during the war, for the most part between and It included political and economic, national and strategic starting points which determined the occupier's intent, as well as the circumstances directly related to the conflict of the service, which was in the process of being established, with the Gestapo.

It, also, included certain issues associated with the Rozumek Case. Department IV Gestapo was responsible for state police executive and intelligence tasks related to preventing or destroying the adversary's movement. Department III SD was responsible for intelligence activities, respectively collecting information on the general situation, the situation of the state party leadership structure, the atmosphere among the population, economic situation and the situation of culture life.

The department kept a record on RSHA-prescribed forms that contained personal descriptions, entries of work-. SD in Bled", 1— Along with a teletypewriter Fernschreiber , which was connected to the network of the Reich Security office RSHA , Rozumek had a radio telegraph and decoding device of the German uniformed regular Police force Ordnungspolizei at his disposal in the Bled Castle.

Their operation was evaluated by the department based on sent reports and they were paid in accordance with their performance. A form for recruiting agents, fiscal transactions and all documents, referring to their operation, were kept in a special folder. Referat IV N had its own informants and its recruiting competences comprised the entire area and all working areas of the KdS and its branch offices. Previously, this obligation did not exist, as most of the agents operated locally and for a short period of time. Cases of voluntary cooperation at the beginning.

Later, these were mostly people who were afraid of sanctions by the NOG and expected protection and assistance of the KdS. All arrested persons, who were brought to 'protective custody' prison in Begunje Vigaun , were recorded in the prison records that were kept by Referat IV C. In addition to personal information, this book also contained all further steps against the arrested person or statements regarding their release. In the event of a decision taken by the prison, all closed or open documents were filed by the personal file administration.

The most successful method proved to be the one with secretly arrested OF functionaries or captured Partisans. According to this method, the informant had to work in his old position. Not much was supposed to be required from him, but to provide information he could collect in the context of his working environment, respectively only what he could learn from his environment without calling attention by asking wrong questions. In order to prevent double-crossing Doppelspiel , usually another informant was infiltrated in such agencies for supervising the other. With the purpose of protecting their informants, the Gestapo avoided frequent infiltrations in a specific area.

According to their doctrine, it was better to control a specific circle of the enemy than to achieve momentary success and, consequently, loose an informant. Theoretically, apprehensions should have been carried out only when the informants were no longer endangered. However, the KdS did hardly ever act according to this principle. Contacts with agents were developed mainly in flats, rented especially for this purpose, or in areas were the informant was not known, inside cars or outdoors.

Meetings of more significant informants were secured by organising secure meetings. Members of other KdS bodies were tasked with checking them whether they were controlled by the OF. These applied conspirational methods had to be as much as possible similar to the methods of the Partisans or the OF. In anti-partisan combat, the Gestapo employed a special category. SD in Bled", The majority of reports were submitted by telephone communication. The desk also gathered information for its reports from interrogations of Partisans and OF functionaries. All information was represented on maps and, after the security briefs had been completed, they were.

The operations against the Partisans included the uniformed regular police forces and other KdS bodies, which led scouts during the operation or interrogated captured persons. In the late s, a description and photography depict him as a medium-sized person with a weak, forwardleaning physique, dark blond, swept-back hair and a narrow pale face and grey eyes.

He wore round, black-rimmed glasses and used a denture. According to the dossier, he was a very nervous person, frequently flourishing his hands. Only fragments are known of his life before the war. The above-stated statements are partly based on information from the personal file, which the Josef Vogt was given insight to during his interrogation in connection with the investigation against Rozumek in According to these sources, Rozumek participated during WWI in combat operations on the Western and Eastern front, was promoted to reserve second lieutenant and awarded the Iron Cross 1st and the Iron Cross 2nd Class.

Along with intelligence tasks which he carried out on the other side of the Polish border for the Weimar Republic army, he also supported the illegal para-military formation Schwarze-Reichswehr, whose leadership mainly consisted of discharged officers of Prussian nobility which were later principal members of the Nazi movement. The main reason for his aversion against the Slavs was allegedly the Russian terror which he had witnessed after the occupation of East Prussia at the beginning of WWI.

In , he was involved in a major scandal, in which he and other offenders were convicted of defraud and were, consequently, imprisoned and discharged. After the suspension of the prison sentence, he was employed as a tradesman and had to cope with financial difficulties. As the reactionary political circles did not essentially help him during his criminal prosecution, he turned to the democratic liberal camp and became member of the Deutsche Staatspartei, the successor of the German Democratic Party.

He also presented himself as member of the Freemasons, which he, according to Vogt's assumptions, joined to gain personal benefits. His knowledge, respectively his participation in terrorist acts and political assassinations which were ordered by the military circles of the Schwarze-Reichswehr, were rewarded by payments to lawyers who helped him to achieve a revision of the judgement and consequently rehabilitation.

Based on Vogt's assessment, Rozumek's alleged flexibility in his political views and the membership in the Freemasons were negatively assessed by the security service of the party. This later impeded his promotion within the hierarchy of state officials. His appointment to the position of police commissioner in the Gestapo, which was a rival of the SD, was probably a result of a lack of professional personnel. Yet, there is no doubt that the political police initially only employed reliable and security cleared persons.

He mainly performed assignments related to the protection against the French intelligence service and the protection of the construction works of the western defence wall. In his evaluation reports, his performance was usually assessed by his superiors as satisfactory. Upon the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine in , he was assigned to the position of Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und SD BdS in Strassburg, where he participated in the deportation of the French population and the dismantling of the adversary's agencies.

Hans Bauer. In this context, he performed only tasks of executive nature. In March , Vogt was transferred to Maribor. Personnel of the KdS Veldes, most probably in autumn Personal Characteristics, Methods and Basic Features of the Development of Rozumek's Counter- intelligence Operation in Upper Carniola Rozumek is described as an egocentric and envious person with a tendency to intrigues. Negative life experience strengthened his shrewdness, his inconsiderate despotism and deceitfulness, all combined in pathological ambition.

Diligent without personal endeavours, cold calculation, caution, avoiding excesses and discrecy excluded whatsoever spontaneity, leaving nothing to chance and improvisation. If necessary, Koschat also stepped in as a translator. Rozumek kept his documents in an armoured strong-box, of which only he had the key.

According to a statement of an unnamed German official on duty, who had worked for Rozumek, he had introduced a written registration system for visitors. However, he usually met informants in his flat in the afternoon. In the car pool, these drives were registered only as "Geheimfahrt" secret drive with the office code and the identification number of the relevant document. In the evenings, he was often seen strolling around Lake Bled in the company of women.

He had a loose relationship with his wife, as during his entire term of service in Bled he never went on leave, although he often sent packages home. However, his relation to his daughter and son, 19 respectively 20 years old , frequently visited him. He led the life-style of a bon vivant and a gourmet, as "nothing was good enough for him".

Hence, he was considered to be the most ill-natured person at the KdS in Bled. Vogt was of the opinion that Rozumek's reserve and distrust respectively the. The forms of offensive anti-intelligence operations, which he introduced in Upper Carniola, also included the method and the active provocation procedure. He criticised the work of deportation commissions and the confiscations, the Gauleiter's measures, and the work of the administration and security staff. He reprimanded them as criminals and explained that he fully understood the resistance of the population.

He also expressed his understanding or even sympathies for the Partisans. He asked the locals that he was in contact with on their relations in the forests, and sometimes delivered a piece of equipment or promised them weapons. Rozumek understood intelligence primarily as a means for directly performing effective interventions or repressions. In this respect, his methods comprised gathering information on the intents and operation of the adversary, which he performed by intercepting and controlling mail, collecting information on activists and manipulating captured persons, gaining and infiltrating agents into Partisan units, where they created chaos during armed conflicts, spread apathy and called for surrender.

Olga got intimately involved with Rozumek and attended most of his meetings with members of the NOG. Obviously, she as well as others, sincerely believed Rozumek's explanations that he wanted to prevent reprisals on the population through calls to stop Partisan attacks on German units. She excused her actions to more careful acquaintances with the explanation that Rozumek had saved "many of our people from the Begunje Vigaun prison". The latter was a reputable member of the Sokol National Camp and a true opponent of the occupier and sympathiser of the resistance movement.

Miklavc, whom Rozumek had convinced about his attachment to the anti-communist side, advocated, in line with Gestapo instructions, a policy of not attacking the occupier and releasing German prisoners. Kolb took over certain mediating assignments related to the treatment of prisoners held in the Begunje and camps, as well as tasks related to the prevention of reprisals on the local population, forwarding information on planned police and military operations and agreements on the preparation of identification cards for Partisan functionaries, which would have allowed them 'legal' movement across occupied territory.

This interrogation gave Rozumek an insight into the organisation of the NOG, names and duties of the field activists, contents of various agreements, disagreements regarding. By releasing the above-mentioned OF activists in May , Rozumek was able to reinforce his image of a secret sympathiser of resistance members and could, simultaneously, gain information on circumstances that "had not even been completely clear to the political leadership of the Liberation Front".

Hence, the persons who had been released included individuals who had been released based on interventions of Rozumek's acquaintances as well as those for whom no one had been pleading for. Members of the "Glavni odbor OF za Gorenjsko" referred to him as "gospod" mister. He could play with them and give the impression of a person who knows a lot, yet does not show.

Hence, it was difficult to estimate how much he really knew. Rozumek answered that he was just of a sentimental character. While other members of the occupation forces had to remain permanently en guard against attacks, Rozumek could move freely thanks to his acquaintances and status. He was suspicious about the fact that Rozumek met OF functionaries even at night, while other members of the Sicherheitspolizei SIPO and SD would have been probable executed in similar circumstances.

Apparently, there have occurred cases around Kamnik, where he got different pieces of information by people in a cunning manner, based on which they have been apprehended and then he promised the families that they would be saved. Yet, when the verdict was taken, he went on leave and the poor fellows were shot. When back from leave, he stated that it was a pity that he had been away as he could have prevented the executions.

The decision on his assassination was adopted immediately after the establishment of the regional VOS. He has not received his deserved payment. We are doing our best to carry it out. Yet, he is refusing all discussions, saying that they are not necessary as he has already contacted Dr Vidmar and is in direct contact with him and our leadership. If this is true, eliminate him as soon as possible.

Also the security groups which were given the assignment to intercept him on the road Bled-Ljubljana, did not succeeded. When rumours about his role in the nearly destruction of the newly-established brigade spread, he asked, through Kolb, for another meeting under the pretext that he needed finger-. The explosion of a suitcase with 10 kg of explosives severely damaged two storeys, the kitchen and storage room. Reportedly, it also caused undetermined number of German casualties.

France Benedik, "Narodnoosvobodilni boj na Bledu", Kronika. The security and intelligence service had recognised his intent and refused the suggested location of the meeting. He, on the other hand, did not agree with their proposal of a new location. The attack was carried out by the police under the com-.

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Also Miklavc, his wife and his daughter managed to survive it. This proves that Rozumek knew that the KP had contacts within the prisons. The execution order at the KdS was classified as confidential. This and the fact that the staff in Begunje were informed about the executions only after they had been carried out and the arrival of the agents at the prison immediately before their execution proves that it had all been organised by Rozumek with the intent to prevent any contacts that would have exposed detailed information about his connections.

In his attempt to divert suspicion, he referred to orders that were given by Berlin and later he tried to put the blame on the White Guard in Ljubljana. This is proved by his falsified incriminating documents, which had revealed the truth by their bad translation and which had been given to Kolb's wife a year after her husband's executions, which had been too late to relief Rozumek. Furthermore, he intended to regain the trust of the VOS by crushing the reactionary group. Soon after his arrival in March , he contacted, following an advice of his relative Franjo Cerar-Matijc, Marko Hojan-Marko, a construction inspector at the company Dedek in Kranj and former instructor at the headquarters for building up Rupnik's defence line.

He had also been introduced to Olga Bohinc and through her to the "protector at the Bled Gestapo branch". During his interrogation, he said that a day before he had been talking to Rozumek. As a consequence, all of them including the equipment got burned inside the mill. Rozumek supposedly had insight into Partisan mail which had been organised through Hojan's office in Kranj. On 13 October, he had been mobilised by the PK VOS into the Partisan units in order to gain more time for a more detailed investigation.

Yet, Hojan's fate had been sealed off even before the attack on Cerkno and did not depend on his alleged role in the treason. Investigation by the RSHA and the "Rehabilitation" According to Duscha's confessions, Rozumek double-crossed the officials of the KdS and let them believe that he was the only person capable of leading the fight against the Partisans. Rumours went around that he had presented himself as a sympathiser of the Partisans letting them believe he was working for them to a certain degree.

Vogt, the commander of the KdS Veldes, had been informed about his methods and contacts with the NOG during a loud verbal fight between Rozumek and Dr. Brandt, who had requested that this matter should be confidentially reported to the RSHA. Then, Rozumek said to Vogt: "Just let me do my work and I will soon pull all strings. This information became rather incriminating after the disclosure of his connections with the NOG through SD agencies and he had been reported by Gestapo officer Platzl in Kranj.

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The mistrust towards Rozumek increased after the occurrence of Persterer, a member of the SD. Yet, as they feared reprisals, they decided to take the legal way and to hand in the discriminating materials to Schluifer. Rozumek's superiors believed that the procedure against him and his reassignment had been cancelled as a result of his successful measures, in particular the attack at Miklavc. Borchert had come to Bled several times more and, together with Rozumek, led the combat against the NOG.

The RSHA sent an authorisation and instructions for placing false documents, for example on the redeployment of the units and the Gendarmerie to the front, an unsuccessful and hopeless combat of the Gestapo against the OF, intended operations against. According to Vogt's statement, Rado Thaler had been a collaborator of the Gestapo since The allied intelligence services MI6 and OSS were doubtlessly informed about the meetings between the Gestapo and the Partisans, as the Thalers were relatives of Vauhnik.

The rivalry between Persterer and Rozumek reached a peak during the disclosure of Vauhnik's network in Zagreb in May Persterer, who was Vauhnik's protector and an important source of information, timely informed Vauhnik on Rozumek's plan to eliminate the Ljubljana agencies. The translation of the report dated 28 April states information on Rozumek, which he had been given by Sumper with an explanation that, as Helmuth's personal trustee, he was no longer bound to secrecy as he had been based on his prior written statement "that he had obliged himself under the threat of KL not to speak a word to anyone about what he had seen or heard during the time he was assigned to that position".

Freemason, could not be loyal enough to his line. Sumper emphasised that this rumour had been spread deliberately to facilitate Rozumek's future activities. The truth was that Rozumek had never been a Freemason, but had been regarded by the RSHA as a very competent criminal investigation officer who could be engaged for particularly sensitive issues.

The agent continued: I had been told that Rozumek and his driver, Riedl, were at least once in contact with the regional [partisan, note by A. Riedl remained there and the courier took Rozumek further on. About the talks that were held there I could learn only as much that they were also attended by allied officers, such as the British, Americans and Russians, among them a British major Johnson. During one of these talks, a photograph had been made which also included Rozumek and which was sent to Berlin.

The contact with this British major had been established through the Gestapo officer Guck, whom Rozumek also managed to fool so that he completely trusted him. Gugg [correctly Guck, note by A. Then they discussed together how they could take revenge on the National Socialist System. From this moment on, Rozumek had Gugg monitored and when he was of the opinion that they had monitored the circles that he was contacting, he was arrested and sent to the KZ where he died.

Simultaneously, a major part of the resistance movement had been disclosed and all had witnessed an unknown fate. Postwar Investigations on Rozumek Statements made by the investigated persons and the information delivered by the informants referring to Rozumek's fate upon the fall of the Third Reich, were non-unitary and partly conflicting. This proves that after 7 May , when also the male members of the KdS had left for Carinthia and disbanded, he had succeeded to wipe out all of his tracts.

According to the confession of Duscha, during his confinement in Wolfsberg, there were two pieces of information that were spread. According to one, he was working as a specialist for the Communist movement for the Brits in Hamburg, while according to the second version, which had been "doubtlessly been spread by the FSS", he remained in Slovenia in the service of the Yugoslav secret police.

Duscha himself presumed that Rozumek was "hiding in western Allied-occupied zones and tried to renew his old contacts with the Freemasons". A few days later, he had, during a visit of the camp at Viktring, met Rozumek which at that time was still in his uniform and wearing a weapon! He took his farewell from the interpreter with the following words: "Kordisch, you know all that we had been doing. You know all about me.

You know all about my steps and my activities. Let's forget it! It's history now! You don't know anything about me and I know nothing about you. I wish you all the best for your future. Rozumek's appearings in Hamburg had also been confirmed by the last head of Referat IV N, to whom Rozumek had written a letter to the camp in Wolfsberg, stating that he hoped to soon find an appropriate job in Hamburg.

The author of the dossier referred to this piece of information as a good hint for Rozumek's whereabouts, as Rozumek had been a very good friend of Krimi-. The later was immediately after the war employed as the main representative of the soap and laundry detergent factory Persil. It is hence possible that he might have arranged a position for Rozumek in one of the affiliated enterprises of the leading companies in Hamburg.

This fact became evident in an appeal of Justina Kolb related to the prosecution of Rozumek for the crimes committed on 16 July , sent to the Supreme Military Court of the 4th Army in Ljubljana. The mission was cancelled due to the news on Rozumek's death. At the time when the report had been prepared 11 November , Bauchinger had been working at the police in Salzburg. In Sumper's opinion, this piece of news was fabricated, as Rozumek tried to prevent his persecution. When released from there, she left home. She could be found through Rozumek's chauffeur Riedl, who was employed at the military car workshop in Bled after the examination by the UDV.

The investigation ended with the death of one agent and Riedl's escape. In the summary of later investigations it was stated that Rozumek had been. Later, he joined his family in Neustadt an der Weinstrasse in the French occupied zone. First, he was found by the American intelligence service and was then also interrogated by the French. When he had been released after three years of imprisonment, he was worn out and sick. In , he suffered a brain attack and died three days later in hospital. He was buried in the city cemetery in Neustadt, in a grave No.

Instructions include check-ups of the telephone book, at the city hall or information office as well as based on observations and direct investigations of the person at the established address, his neighbours, the postman and milkman. They were also interested in acquiring registers, telephone books, time tables and maps. Conclusion "The task of the investigators, who at the end of the war examined all his contacts, was mainly to separate the truth from fiction.

If they had 'had thrown all Rozumek's contacts into the same basket', they would have still have been fooled by his provocations even after the liberation Levar was at that time already in Dachau. Hence, the contact must have been another person, if it existed at all. Also Kolb's wife had stated that there must have been a traitor within the headquarters and it was very likely that there was such a contact with Rozumek. If Rozumek had had such a contact, that is after the establishment and later the abolishment of his agencies or even later, when the VOS unveiled his games, then this contact has to be given greater attention due to his importance and threat.

Whoever will act on his own will be called to response. After examining the latter on the field, it has been noted in records dated 8 December , that 4 persons were not security cleared, 4 were dead and the identity of 4 was not established, 4 managed to escape to Germany, 4 were imprisoned and 9 were free. The contacts are classified as: 1 persons who were a direct contact of Rozumek, 2 problematic contacts, 3 persons who were contacts of Rozumek's contacts. Yet, one among the suspects can be concluded from the statements given by Kolb's wife and certain circumstances of the interrogation of the key witness Olga Bohinc.

He succeeded Maks Perc, who had been killed in action. A few days after the liberation he had been "due to an irreparable mistake" in treating a woman, who has been suspected of cooperating with the British intelligence service, which had been probably a result of his "primitive self-confidence and his authoritative immodesty", arrested and pushed to the anonymity of a railway worker. A very significant feature of his operation was that, along with directing intelligence activities of his staff, he occasionally also directly participated in operations and agency networks.

The fact that he survived despite clear indications of his double game, confirms that he was a true high quality intelligence officer. Yet, this statement reflects the success of Rozumek's provocations respectively obsessions with the Gestapo conspiracy. Answers to the numerous questions on Rozumek's operation on Slovenian territory are probably hidden in the records of his interrogations that are kept in Paris and Washington. SD in Bled", 3.

Implicit in all of them was the broader subject of how the Catholic Church in Croatia, and Stepinac himself, related to the Ustasha regime. The subject has been treated from extremely different angles, which led to different conclusions. Various people have given completely different and irreconcilable assessments of Stepinac's attitude to the Jews, and that of the Church in general. There have been many publications and many discussions concerning Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac, and the role he played: during his lifetime, for a long time after his death, and right down to the present.

He was fanatically pious, endlessly loyal to the Catholic Church, and hated Communism intensely. He was a brave man. Not all Vatican archives concerning these events have yet been opened to the public. Archbishop Stepinac was able to decide about some problems on his own initiative and in accordance with his own beliefs, but he was above all a faithful representative and follower of the Vatican. After many German bishops loudly criticized the racist and religious teaching of Nazism, and took the stand that a Catholic could not be a Nazi.

On the other hand, Rome looked on Nazism as the strongest barrier to the onslaught of Communism. In March , Pius XI published the encyclical Mit brennender Sorge intended for the Germans, in which he condemned racism and accused the Nazi authorities of spreading "a wealth of mistrust, discord, hatred, false accusations".


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He concluded that he "can see threatening storm clouds of a destructive war gathering on the German horizon". Thus it was Pius. XI who paved the way for the Vatican's international policy in the coming period: Nazism and Fascist totalitarianism were errors, mistakes and dangers, but it was heathen totalitarianism that was the main deadly enemy of religion and the Church.

In June the Vatican signed a concordat with Hitler's government, which had just been established, but in the next three years it sent about thirty notes of protest to Berlin because of infringements of this concordat. The tone of these notes was far from cordial. Pacelli was horrified by the dictators' demands for the total subjugation of their citizens, demands for the Church's subjugation as well, and he also found the racist doctrine on which Nazism was founded hateful. On the other hand, he admired authoritarian political ideas that laid emphasis on traditional values, such as a harmonious family life and social discipline, which both Nazism and Fascism incorporated.

Rom, Band der Regesten des Herzogtums Steiermark bearbeitet. Das Bild wird abgerundet durch inzwischen in Udine in Friaul erschienene Editionen. Dokumenti Thesaurus memoriae, Fontes 4 Ljubljana, ; Piranske notarske knjige — fragmenti — , 5. Thesaurus memoriae, Fontes 7 Ljubljana, Zbornik mednarodnega simpozija Celje, , —; ders. Jahrhunderts ersetzen soll. Geburtstag Schlern-Schriften Innsbruck, , —; ders. Studi in onore di Cesare Scalon Udine, , — Juznic-1 ou-edu.

Frischlin's astronomical works were extremely important for Inner Austrian milieu, because he was the first Inner Austrian employee who wrote about Copernicus. Before he arrived to Inner Austria Frischlin was clearly a convinced Copernican. During his rectorship at Ljubljana he became more and more suspicious. Frischlin was not completely unfavourable to Copernicus, although he later changed his mind and did not became Copernican at Maestlin or Kepler's sense.

Frischlin published the first world-wide known astronomical work produced at the area of modern Slovenia. Therefore Frishlin's work was never really forgotten with Valvasor's very important source of Frischlin's life and work. Some thousand other people joined the effort during approximately half of century until it came to its abrupt end. Although Frischlin enjoyed higher rector position at Ljubljana, the Graz teacher Johannes Kepler, appointed on April 11, , was far the most famous of the contingent.

Frischlin made his name as the Latin poet, in times when scientific verses were much more praised than prose, compared with our modern era after 18th century. His way of astronomical research was mostly a sharp critical reading of ancient and contemporary works without much documented attempts to join observational efforts of Kassel, Hven, or other minor astronomical observatories before Frischlin's Kassel visit From modern standpoint Frischlin's astronomy fails to join the Tycho, Maestlin, or Kepler's mainstream, but, at last and not least, he was certainly their highly sophisticated antipode.

Frischlin's Teachers Frischlin-Friuschlin's family originated at Diessenhofen. Schade, "Nicodemus Frischlin und der Stuttgarter Hof. Jahrhunderts, Symposium in Ljubljana, Oktober 6—8, Ljubljana, , Josef A. In Frischlin's class went to Bebenhausen, but Frischlin eventually stayed there just for six months. After a year, Frischlin got a stipend on November 16, On September 20, he got his bachelor's degree with the professor of rhetoric, Georg Hitzler.

Liebler 5. Jahrhunderts, Symposium in Ljubljana, Oktober 6—8, Ljubljana, , 30—31, 38, Frischlin grew very interested in Eisenmenger's chronology and medicine lectures. Contrary to Frischlin, Eisenmenger used astrology as a useful physician's help at diagnosis and therapy, with special concern put on astrological meanings of eclipses. Eisenmenger studied at Wittenberg with Melanchthon, Milichius, and Peucer. Eisenmenger and Fuchs were the main sources of Frischlin's anti-astrological booklets, although Eisenmenger published the prognostics together with Leowitz, who later became a target of Frischlin's ridicule.

At the first book he described liberal arts, especially the "black" art of printing. He decorated his introduction with the citations of magic and described the celestial bodies. Schegk taught at Medicine Faculty — until he got blind, but he continued to publish. Georg Liebler, Oratio de causis corruptae juventastis Tubingae, , 5 hereinafter: Liebler, Oratio de causis corruptae juventastis. Jahrhunderts, Symposium in Ljubljana, Oktober 6—8, Ljubljana, , 61, He even helped to translate Diofant's mathematical works, where his excellent Latin proved to be even more important than his mathematical abilities.

In he published the best commentary of Galen's works. Frischlin learned from Schegk all about the eight Aristotle's books, with the Pythagoras mentioned at introduction as the sign of the new Renaissance winds. Two years after the publication, Crusius gave the book as a present to Samuel Budina,25 Frishlin's predecessor at Ljubljana. In , Schegk discussed the embryology to develop Galen's hypotheses according to Jean Fernel and Scaliger on material formation life power facultas plastica.


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He made a radical step beyond the Aristotle's embryology. Between April 2, and June 16, he was extraordinary professor of poetry and his-. Eiusdem Iacobi Schegkii Commentarius in Aristotelis de Anima libros tres, nunquam antea editus Basileae, ; Tractationum physicarum et medicinarum tomus unus, VII libros completens Francofurti, , 1 hereinafter: Schegk, Iacobi Schegkii Schorndorffensis in octo physicorum.

His godfather was Martin Crusius,29 still Frischlin's best friend at that time. Roeslin became nearly as turbulent scientist as Frischlin himself. After his doctorate Roeslin studied alchemy and astrology as a part of medicine with Eisenmenger at Derlach Carlsburg and again collaborated with him in , when Kepler answered to Roeslin chronological work. After count's death he earned his bread as physician at Hagenau — Roeslin invented planetary system similar to Tycho and Ursus' with a special sphere filled with comets. In appendix to his book Roeslin described and painted all important planetary systems: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Ursus, his own, and Tycho's.

Certainly the drawing of Roeslin's own system was considerably bigger. In , Roeslin forecasted the end of the World connected with the great conjunction of and observed the supernova as the very first among the Westerners. Philipp had the troubles as Protestant in Ingolstadt, where he inherited his father's chair with the measurement instruments included in Heinrich Hermelink Ed.

Zur Biographie", in: Hans Wolf Ed. The top of Strasbourg town clock described at Frischlin's poem Frischlin, During Philipp Apian's absences —, — Frischlin continued his Sphere lectures doctrina sphaerica ,36 with Maestlin among his students. Maestlin was eventually not very pleased with Frischlin's treatment without proper astrology or study of planet movements and used the textbook of his own to learn more.

In Maestlin bought Copernicus book. Maestlin substituted Apian during his absence in At that time Frischlin substituted Apian at Sunday "knight" disputations of Masters, and got the University Senate salary of 3 Bazens for each of them. In autumn of he publicly examined no less than 48 candidates, among them three bachelors.

He began with praising Virgil, especially Eneid. Jahrhundert", in: Friedrich Seck, Zum The middle part of Strasbourg town clock with astrological symbols described at Frischlin's poem Frischlin, Reprint: Frischlin, Facetiae selectiores quibus argumenti similitudinem accesserunt, Frischlin went to the Speyer Reichstag and during his travel visited Strasbourg for the first time in He was in Strasbourg again in and accomplished eighty-two pages of the hexameter poem praising the new astronomical cathedral town clock. The clock showed the weeks, months, Moon phases, movements of Sun and planets, ecliptics, movement of the sky, hundred years calendar, and all kinds of figures.

Frischlin described the gnomon and astronomical measurements of time. He published his Latin verses in Strasbourg ,53 and reprinted them next year at Frankfurt. He described Copernicus, Strasbourg picture no less than three times with unmovable Sun and orbs. Frischlin mentioned French natural philosopher, Antonius S. Besides Pliny, Frischlin coined his verses just with one other citation, namely a part of Aelian's book called de animalia.

Frischlin, Carmen de Astronomico Horologio Argentoratensi, 46, Frischlin was quite enthusiastic with the mathematical pictures of Tobias Stimmer,63 and compared Stimmer's picture of Copernicus with Apelles art. Frischlin described lifting weights with the ropes and cog-wheels, whose silent movement perceived hour after hour. Frischlin friendly mentioned Dasypodius two times with his Christian name Conrade. Dasypodius and Frischlin had mutual friend, the Strasbourg professor Johann Sturm.

Frischlin's Astronomical-physical Antagonists and Supporters at Copernicus's Era Frischlin was certainly the very first competent astronomer who brought the knowledge about the new Copernicus teaching at today Slovenian Lands, at least to Styria and Carniola. He was born four years after Copernicus's death. Therefore many others read Copernicus' work in Styria and Carniola before Frischlin told them his own opinion.

There were also many Styrian born astronomers teaching at Vienna Perger, Perlah , and the astronomer Jacob Strauss practiced medicine in Celje. But nobody except Frischlin published about Copernicus. It's not so hard to imagine the reasons for their silence in the light. It's certainly not the only event of this kind in history: Pontius Pilate's Romans weren't concerned enough with Christ's life to take any relevant notes about his deeds.

Table 1: Frischlin's contemporaries at 16th century: the bold family names belong to the Frischlin's astrological-astronomical supporters, the italics to the doubtful ones, and the normal letters show his enemies. Frischlin could be considered the first Copernican at today's Slovenian lands. But, he was a strange and furious person, so he did not let us judge so straightforward.

In fact, just at the time he entered today's Slovenian territory searching for the rector position in Graz and finally getting the one at Ljubljana, Frischlin seems to have changed his mind. At some point during his Ljubljana rector position he transformed from Copernicus fan to his antagonist. Frischlin's opinion about Copernicus was not the cardinal point of his astronomical world view at all, as some of the 3rd millenium observers would expect.

For him and his readers two other points had much more influence: Frischlin was the sharpest antagonist of all kinds of astrology, and he immediately accepted the Gregorian calendar reform at Ljubljana as one of the first among Protestants. Frischlin's calendar enthusiasm was the effect of his conviction, that good working calendar is the main if not the only purpose of all astronomy.

With that in mind, we dare to put at the limelight the list of the Frischlin's supporters and antagonists, where the main point of decision about who-is-who was not at all Copernicus, but their opinions about the scientific foundations of astrology. He tried several times to get a job in Styria Graz , worked as a rector in Ljubljana, and his best student, Hieronymus Megiser, became a Klagenfurt rector. Upon his arrival, Frischlin was chosen rector of the new Evangelized Graz School on November 25, It was accepted at Graz on January 3, Frischlin wrote clearly, that in spite of Duke's declination December 12, he still had a great hope to get the Graz rector's job.

Three years after, the new Graz rector was. Hieronym Peristerius, who previously served at Villach Beljak. At the end of the year Frischlin wrote again to Graz and signed himself as the ordinary sic! Frischlin widely discussed the recent Jesuit's arrival in Graz. The Jesuits were immediately recognized as the main Protestant enemies, especially considering their mutual competitive schools.

The antagonism between the Jesuit and Protestant Schools grew sharper each year and in the students of both schools scuffled violently. In Blyssemius taught mathematics and he eventually became the rector of Prague College. In he entered Vienna as provincial, and in he returned to Graz. Strasbourgeois Bruxelles—Paris, , — All the time Frischlin had great problems because of his quarrels and even hard drinking. He had much more success at court where Maximillian II crowned his poetry after the comedy Rebecca recitation at Regensburg ; at the same time Maximilian supported Ungnad and P.

Trubar's efforts at Urach. Within a year Frischlin became comes palatinus Pfalzgraf 73 and got the same prestigious title again in Robert J. On August 1, he took over the Ljubljana Estates General school rector's position and faced the Jesuit threat in person immediately. Economically speaking, he was at his best with a salary of fl and he additionally got a half of student's fees. The nobles gave him dear and he also daily accepted one thaler for the good strong Vipava wine,75 which he accepted gradually as an extraordinary thirsty kind of person. Next day, they issued the decree, which presented to Frischlin on June 6, On that occasion Frischlin traveled through Styria and personally visited the Estates General Evangelic school of Graz.

At the letter mailed on June 20, the Styrian Estates General didn't want to compensate the Frischlin's Ljubljana rectorate with the one in Graz. Valvasor wrote a whole eight-pages paragraph on Frischlin' case. Conclusion Frischlin several times tried very hard to get the Styrian job, but he never succeeded. He didn't get the Graz rectorship, which could make Styria the European astronomical center with Frischlin and his pupil Maestlin's student Kepler working shoulder by shoulder at Graz. Frischlin did not make it, but his works eventually did more than just that.

The fans translated his writings from Latin into German already during his lifetime, and Frischlin's works were widely used as school exercises for the style improvement. At that way Frischlin, step by step, grew famous even at Styria. Rothmann signed the last letters of the packet at Kassel Observatory on August 6, and August 22, , therefore Frischlin hardly had enough time to visit the Graz performance before showing himself at Kassel. Frischlin eventually travelled from Kassel to Kopenhagen, but somebody else replaced him as the final chain on this postman's duty, as Tycho reported to Rothmann in a letter dated at Uraniburg on November 24, Acknowledgements We wish to express our gratitude to the Mellon Grant of the Oklahoma University History of science department.

Tycho Brahe and L. Dreyer Eds. V svojem observatoriju je zaposlil izjemne strokovnjake, med njimi astronoma Ch. Redno si je dopisoval s Tycho Brahejem, ki si je svoj lasten observatorij Unraniburg postavil na tedaj danskem otoku Hven. Frischlin naj bi nesel pisma o astronomiji Wilhelma IV. Frischlin je pisma odnesel le do Kopenhagna, na Hvenu pa jih je namesto njega predal nekdo drug. Valvasor se je vsekakor zavedal pomena Frischlinovih raziskav krasa in jih je vtkal v svojo lastno teorijo, ki mu je prinesla uspeh v Londonu.

Der deutsche Liberalismus und die Frage der Nation und der Staatsordnung Vergleich mit der slowenischen liberalen Politik in den zwanziger Jahren des Perovsek inz. Eine gewisse Ausnahme machte nur die Weimarer Republik, da in ihr der Liberalismus der politische Faktor war, welcher in der Umgestaltung des deutschen Staats nach dem ersten Weltkrieg die verfassungsrechtlichen Grundlagen des Weimarer Staates errichtete.

Der Aufsatz entstand im Rahmen des Forshungsprogrammes Nr. Gedanke und Praxis der liberalen Politik in Slowenien war in diesem Punkt vollkommen klar. Mit periodischen Abweichungen stimmten alle politische Subjekte, die das liberale Lager bildeten, einem jugoslawisch-nationalen Integralismus bzw. Damit stritten sie das Bestehen der Nationale Frage im Staate ab und lehnten jegliche Form nationalstaatlicher Atonomie ab. Ihre Geschichte ist in der modernen deutschen Historiografie gut erforscht.

Dieser Zusammenhang blieb bis jetzt im Grunde genommen unbeleuchtet oder war nur in einzelnen Teilen umrissen. Nach dr. Rheinbaben, Liberale Politik im neuen Reiche Karlsruhe, , Aber schon im Jahr , als sie in die Regierung eintrat, bekannte sie sich zur Republik und entwickelte sich als republikanische und staatsbejahende Partei.

April , Nr. Weimarer Verfassung: Erste und letzte Seite der Verfassungsurkunde vom Giese, Staatsrecht, 90—92, , ; Huber, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte 6, 60, Schulze, Weimar, Januar , April , Quellen zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, 5, Nr. Aber dennoch bestand in ihren programmatischen Einstellungen ein wesentlicher Unterschied. Oktober , — So war die Rolle des National- und Staatsunitarismus bei dem deutschen und bei dem slowenischen Liberalismus verschiedene.

Der Autor definiert zwar die deutsch-slowenischen Beziehungen in der Geschichte, falls dieselbe als ein Prozess betrachtet wird, als eine Konstante mit Sinus-Amplituden. Die deutsch-slowenischen Beziehungen sind, wenn man die Geschichte als ewigen Prozess betrachtet, eine geschichtliche Konstante. In allen Siedlungen lebten wir in Nachbarschaft, die Slowenen bzw.

Jahrhundert, als die Slowenen sich als politische Nation "entwarfen". Februar Schon in der Mitte der siebziger Jahre nahm ich die Forschung dieser Thematik in Angriff, und zwar waren das die Beziehungen nach Die Thematik habe ich versucht in verschiedenen Abschnitten zu bearbeiten. Die Synthese wartet noch auf einen Autor. Juli , unerforscht. Am Niemals habe ich nach der deutschen Minderheit in Slowenien gesucht, weil sie immer bestand. Vielleicht wird jemand anmerken, dass es sich in diesem Fall nicht um Deutsche bzw.

Geforscht habe ich die Zeit von Beginn des Krieges bis in die 50er Jahre, als sich die Lage wieder beruhigte und die Reste der nationalen Minderheit relativ frei leben konnten. Die Resultate meiner Forschung waren nicht besonders ermutigend. Die Mehrheit von der Als erste Besonderheit der slowenischen Abrechnung mit den Deutschen bezeichnen deutsche Quellen schnelle Liquidationsaktionen. Der erste doku-. Drittens soll ihre Vertreibung in andere Lager Jugoslawiens stattgefunden haben, nach einigen Vermutungen sogar zur Zwangsarbeit in die Sowjetunion.

Zwangsbehandlungen gab es nicht mehr und die Beziehungen zu den Deutschen beruhigten sich. Nach , als Jugoslawien am Deshalb ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass es heute nur noch einige hundert Einwohner Sloweniens gibt, die sich zum Deutsch- bzw. Ich wollte die ersten zehn Jahre nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg bearbeiten und die Bedeutung Jugoslawiens in diesen aufregenden Jahren zeigen, die ich als Zeit des klassischen Kalten Krieges bezeichne. Deshalb habe ich mich entschlossen, aufzuzeigen, wie sich der Kalte Krieg in den Beziehungen zwischen Slowenien und der deutschen Minderheit widerspiegelte.

Zusammenschluss der Donauanliegerstaaten. Erstmals habe ich mich entschieden, die westdeutschen Archive im Jahre zu besuchen, um Dokumente zu den deutsch-jugoslawischen Beziehungen in den zehn Jahren nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg zu sammeln. So hatte z. Parteikonferenz der SPD eine Delegation entsendet. Kurz gesagt, ich habe versucht, eine politische Doktrin zu rekonstruieren und vorzustellen, die Adenauer als politische Option so wichtig war, dass er ihr Gefangener wurde. Heute morgen um 11 Uhr besuchte mich auf meinen Wunsch der jug. Regierung, da sie im unvereinbaren Gegensatz mit den Lebensinteressen des deutschen Volkes liege.

Der jug. Regierung und das jug. Volk die deutsche Entscheidung nicht verstehen werden. Das ist grundlegendes Interesse des jugoslawischen Volkes. Die Bundesregierung hat nicht die Absicht, in diesem Falle einen Termin festzulegen. Man rechnet mit dem gleichen Standpunkt der jug. Es war offensichtlich, dass der Entsandte, der die deutsche Entscheidung schon kannte, tief betroffen war.

Bonn, Oktober von Brentano Anwesend war auch der deutsche Beobachter bei der UNO. Walter Hallstein — September entstanden ist. Westdeutsche Autoren schreiben diese Unterbrechung auch der Realisierung der Hallstein-Doktrin zu, ostdeutsche Autoren jedoch den arabischen Staaten. Dass man sie nach gut 10 Jahren fand, kann man v.

Interview Wilhelm Grewe Bulletin, Gute, wenn nicht sogar ausgezeichnete wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, die Frage der sogenannten Gastarbeiter, Fremdenverkehr, intensive Zusammenarbeit auf dem Gebiet der Kultur, Wissenschaft und des Sports lagen im Schatten des obengenannten. Seit der Unterbrechung der diplomatischen Beziehungen zwischen den Staaten als Folge der Implementierung der sogenannten Hallstein-Doktrin am Innerhalb der letzteren, genannt. Den anderen deutschen Staat hat man strikt als SBZ Sowjetische Besatzungszone bezeichnet, wodurch man auch auf terminologischer Ebene unterstreichen wollte, dass man ihr Bestehen nicht anerkennt, v.

Schon zu Beginn des Jahres war eine der Grundlagen der westdeutschen Politik Isolierung der sowjetischen Besatzungszone. Das bedeutet z. Wir werden versuchen, zu verhindern, dass andere Regierungen Ulbricht oder Regierungsdelegationen der Zone empfangen. Die jugoslawischen Beziehungen mit der Bundesrepublik waren, trotz offizieller diplomatischer Beziehungen und sonstiger Kontakte, formell. Januar , S. Text aufbewahrt der Autor. UDC Rozumek Andrej Gaspari Ph. As a specialist in counter- intelligence with wide powers, Rozumek was not only the principal person in charge for ordering the shootings of hostages and carrying out other forms of reprisals between and , but also the initiator and key figure of a complex intelligence network.

Later post-war research on the operation of the occupier's intelligence services on Yugoslav territory referred to Rozumek's tactics as to a school example of the Gestapo's combat against the National Liberation Movement. In addition to a page document in Slovenian, prepared by the end of the first half of the s, the file included a short, page text in Serbo-Croatian, dated November Some pieces of personal information in this text differ from the Slovenian text, but do not essentially derogate from the Slovenian text.

The basic structure of the complex chain of events is reflected in six chapters of a dossier, describing the course and methods of Rozumek's activities in Upper Carniola and investigations on him. General information on the organisation, methods and employees of the Gestapo in Bled Veldes in German are contained in a special KdS file with general commentaries, lists of persons with comments and statistical data, which had been composed during the war, for the most part between and It included political and economic, national and strategic starting points which determined the occupier's intent, as well as the circumstances directly related to the conflict of the service, which was in the process of being established, with the Gestapo.

It, also, included certain issues associated with the Rozumek Case. Department IV Gestapo was responsible for state police executive and intelligence tasks related to preventing or destroying the adversary's movement. Department III SD was responsible for intelligence activities, respectively collecting information on the general situation, the situation of the state party leadership structure, the atmosphere among the population, economic situation and the situation of culture life.

The department kept a record on RSHA-prescribed forms that contained personal descriptions, entries of work-. SD in Bled", 1— Along with a teletypewriter Fernschreiber , which was connected to the network of the Reich Security office RSHA , Rozumek had a radio telegraph and decoding device of the German uniformed regular Police force Ordnungspolizei at his disposal in the Bled Castle. Their operation was evaluated by the department based on sent reports and they were paid in accordance with their performance.

A form for recruiting agents, fiscal transactions and all documents, referring to their operation, were kept in a special folder. Referat IV N had its own informants and its recruiting competences comprised the entire area and all working areas of the KdS and its branch offices. Previously, this obligation did not exist, as most of the agents operated locally and for a short period of time.

Cases of voluntary cooperation at the beginning. Later, these were mostly people who were afraid of sanctions by the NOG and expected protection and assistance of the KdS. All arrested persons, who were brought to 'protective custody' prison in Begunje Vigaun , were recorded in the prison records that were kept by Referat IV C. In addition to personal information, this book also contained all further steps against the arrested person or statements regarding their release. In the event of a decision taken by the prison, all closed or open documents were filed by the personal file administration.

The most successful method proved to be the one with secretly arrested OF functionaries or captured Partisans. According to this method, the informant had to work in his old position. Not much was supposed to be required from him, but to provide information he could collect in the context of his working environment, respectively only what he could learn from his environment without calling attention by asking wrong questions.

In order to prevent double-crossing Doppelspiel , usually another informant was infiltrated in such agencies for supervising the other. With the purpose of protecting their informants, the Gestapo avoided frequent infiltrations in a specific area. According to their doctrine, it was better to control a specific circle of the enemy than to achieve momentary success and, consequently, loose an informant.

Theoretically, apprehensions should have been carried out only when the informants were no longer endangered. However, the KdS did hardly ever act according to this principle. Contacts with agents were developed mainly in flats, rented especially for this purpose, or in areas were the informant was not known, inside cars or outdoors.

Meetings of more significant informants were secured by organising secure meetings. Members of other KdS bodies were tasked with checking them whether they were controlled by the OF. These applied conspirational methods had to be as much as possible similar to the methods of the Partisans or the OF. In anti-partisan combat, the Gestapo employed a special category. SD in Bled", The majority of reports were submitted by telephone communication.

The desk also gathered information for its reports from interrogations of Partisans and OF functionaries. All information was represented on maps and, after the security briefs had been completed, they were. The operations against the Partisans included the uniformed regular police forces and other KdS bodies, which led scouts during the operation or interrogated captured persons.

In the late s, a description and photography depict him as a medium-sized person with a weak, forwardleaning physique, dark blond, swept-back hair and a narrow pale face and grey eyes. He wore round, black-rimmed glasses and used a denture. According to the dossier, he was a very nervous person, frequently flourishing his hands. Only fragments are known of his life before the war. The above-stated statements are partly based on information from the personal file, which the Josef Vogt was given insight to during his interrogation in connection with the investigation against Rozumek in According to these sources, Rozumek participated during WWI in combat operations on the Western and Eastern front, was promoted to reserve second lieutenant and awarded the Iron Cross 1st and the Iron Cross 2nd Class.

Along with intelligence tasks which he carried out on the other side of the Polish border for the Weimar Republic army, he also supported the illegal para-military formation Schwarze-Reichswehr, whose leadership mainly consisted of discharged officers of Prussian nobility which were later principal members of the Nazi movement. The main reason for his aversion against the Slavs was allegedly the Russian terror which he had witnessed after the occupation of East Prussia at the beginning of WWI.

In , he was involved in a major scandal, in which he and other offenders were convicted of defraud and were, consequently, imprisoned and discharged. After the suspension of the prison sentence, he was employed as a tradesman and had to cope with financial difficulties. As the reactionary political circles did not essentially help him during his criminal prosecution, he turned to the democratic liberal camp and became member of the Deutsche Staatspartei, the successor of the German Democratic Party.

He also presented himself as member of the Freemasons, which he, according to Vogt's assumptions, joined to gain personal benefits. His knowledge, respectively his participation in terrorist acts and political assassinations which were ordered by the military circles of the Schwarze-Reichswehr, were rewarded by payments to lawyers who helped him to achieve a revision of the judgement and consequently rehabilitation. Based on Vogt's assessment, Rozumek's alleged flexibility in his political views and the membership in the Freemasons were negatively assessed by the security service of the party.

This later impeded his promotion within the hierarchy of state officials. His appointment to the position of police commissioner in the Gestapo, which was a rival of the SD, was probably a result of a lack of professional personnel. Yet, there is no doubt that the political police initially only employed reliable and security cleared persons. He mainly performed assignments related to the protection against the French intelligence service and the protection of the construction works of the western defence wall. In his evaluation reports, his performance was usually assessed by his superiors as satisfactory.

Upon the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine in , he was assigned to the position of Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und SD BdS in Strassburg, where he participated in the deportation of the French population and the dismantling of the adversary's agencies. Hans Bauer. In this context, he performed only tasks of executive nature.

In March , Vogt was transferred to Maribor. Personnel of the KdS Veldes, most probably in autumn Personal Characteristics, Methods and Basic Features of the Development of Rozumek's Counter- intelligence Operation in Upper Carniola Rozumek is described as an egocentric and envious person with a tendency to intrigues. Negative life experience strengthened his shrewdness, his inconsiderate despotism and deceitfulness, all combined in pathological ambition.

Diligent without personal endeavours, cold calculation, caution, avoiding excesses and discrecy excluded whatsoever spontaneity, leaving nothing to chance and improvisation. If necessary, Koschat also stepped in as a translator. Rozumek kept his documents in an armoured strong-box, of which only he had the key. According to a statement of an unnamed German official on duty, who had worked for Rozumek, he had introduced a written registration system for visitors.

However, he usually met informants in his flat in the afternoon. In the car pool, these drives were registered only as "Geheimfahrt" secret drive with the office code and the identification number of the relevant document. In the evenings, he was often seen strolling around Lake Bled in the company of women. He had a loose relationship with his wife, as during his entire term of service in Bled he never went on leave, although he often sent packages home. However, his relation to his daughter and son, 19 respectively 20 years old , frequently visited him. He led the life-style of a bon vivant and a gourmet, as "nothing was good enough for him".

Hence, he was considered to be the most ill-natured person at the KdS in Bled. Vogt was of the opinion that Rozumek's reserve and distrust respectively the. The forms of offensive anti-intelligence operations, which he introduced in Upper Carniola, also included the method and the active provocation procedure.

He criticised the work of deportation commissions and the confiscations, the Gauleiter's measures, and the work of the administration and security staff. He reprimanded them as criminals and explained that he fully understood the resistance of the population. He also expressed his understanding or even sympathies for the Partisans. He asked the locals that he was in contact with on their relations in the forests, and sometimes delivered a piece of equipment or promised them weapons.

Rozumek understood intelligence primarily as a means for directly performing effective interventions or repressions. In this respect, his methods comprised gathering information on the intents and operation of the adversary, which he performed by intercepting and controlling mail, collecting information on activists and manipulating captured persons, gaining and infiltrating agents into Partisan units, where they created chaos during armed conflicts, spread apathy and called for surrender. Olga got intimately involved with Rozumek and attended most of his meetings with members of the NOG.

Obviously, she as well as others, sincerely believed Rozumek's explanations that he wanted to prevent reprisals on the population through calls to stop Partisan attacks on German units. She excused her actions to more careful acquaintances with the explanation that Rozumek had saved "many of our people from the Begunje Vigaun prison". The latter was a reputable member of the Sokol National Camp and a true opponent of the occupier and sympathiser of the resistance movement. Miklavc, whom Rozumek had convinced about his attachment to the anti-communist side, advocated, in line with Gestapo instructions, a policy of not attacking the occupier and releasing German prisoners.

Kolb took over certain mediating assignments related to the treatment of prisoners held in the Begunje and camps, as well as tasks related to the prevention of reprisals on the local population, forwarding information on planned police and military operations and agreements on the preparation of identification cards for Partisan functionaries, which would have allowed them 'legal' movement across occupied territory. This interrogation gave Rozumek an insight into the organisation of the NOG, names and duties of the field activists, contents of various agreements, disagreements regarding.

By releasing the above-mentioned OF activists in May , Rozumek was able to reinforce his image of a secret sympathiser of resistance members and could, simultaneously, gain information on circumstances that "had not even been completely clear to the political leadership of the Liberation Front". Hence, the persons who had been released included individuals who had been released based on interventions of Rozumek's acquaintances as well as those for whom no one had been pleading for. Members of the "Glavni odbor OF za Gorenjsko" referred to him as "gospod" mister.

He could play with them and give the impression of a person who knows a lot, yet does not show. Hence, it was difficult to estimate how much he really knew. Rozumek answered that he was just of a sentimental character. While other members of the occupation forces had to remain permanently en guard against attacks, Rozumek could move freely thanks to his acquaintances and status.

He was suspicious about the fact that Rozumek met OF functionaries even at night, while other members of the Sicherheitspolizei SIPO and SD would have been probable executed in similar circumstances.

Apparently, there have occurred cases around Kamnik, where he got different pieces of information by people in a cunning manner, based on which they have been apprehended and then he promised the families that they would be saved. Yet, when the verdict was taken, he went on leave and the poor fellows were shot. When back from leave, he stated that it was a pity that he had been away as he could have prevented the executions. The decision on his assassination was adopted immediately after the establishment of the regional VOS.

He has not received his deserved payment. We are doing our best to carry it out. Yet, he is refusing all discussions, saying that they are not necessary as he has already contacted Dr Vidmar and is in direct contact with him and our leadership. If this is true, eliminate him as soon as possible. Also the security groups which were given the assignment to intercept him on the road Bled-Ljubljana, did not succeeded. When rumours about his role in the nearly destruction of the newly-established brigade spread, he asked, through Kolb, for another meeting under the pretext that he needed finger-.

The explosion of a suitcase with 10 kg of explosives severely damaged two storeys, the kitchen and storage room. Reportedly, it also caused undetermined number of German casualties. France Benedik, "Narodnoosvobodilni boj na Bledu", Kronika. The security and intelligence service had recognised his intent and refused the suggested location of the meeting.

He, on the other hand, did not agree with their proposal of a new location. The attack was carried out by the police under the com-. Also Miklavc, his wife and his daughter managed to survive it. This proves that Rozumek knew that the KP had contacts within the prisons. The execution order at the KdS was classified as confidential.

This and the fact that the staff in Begunje were informed about the executions only after they had been carried out and the arrival of the agents at the prison immediately before their execution proves that it had all been organised by Rozumek with the intent to prevent any contacts that would have exposed detailed information about his connections. In his attempt to divert suspicion, he referred to orders that were given by Berlin and later he tried to put the blame on the White Guard in Ljubljana.

This is proved by his falsified incriminating documents, which had revealed the truth by their bad translation and which had been given to Kolb's wife a year after her husband's executions, which had been too late to relief Rozumek. Furthermore, he intended to regain the trust of the VOS by crushing the reactionary group. Soon after his arrival in March , he contacted, following an advice of his relative Franjo Cerar-Matijc, Marko Hojan-Marko, a construction inspector at the company Dedek in Kranj and former instructor at the headquarters for building up Rupnik's defence line.

He had also been introduced to Olga Bohinc and through her to the "protector at the Bled Gestapo branch". During his interrogation, he said that a day before he had been talking to Rozumek. As a consequence, all of them including the equipment got burned inside the mill. Rozumek supposedly had insight into Partisan mail which had been organised through Hojan's office in Kranj. On 13 October, he had been mobilised by the PK VOS into the Partisan units in order to gain more time for a more detailed investigation.

Yet, Hojan's fate had been sealed off even before the attack on Cerkno and did not depend on his alleged role in the treason. Investigation by the RSHA and the "Rehabilitation" According to Duscha's confessions, Rozumek double-crossed the officials of the KdS and let them believe that he was the only person capable of leading the fight against the Partisans. Rumours went around that he had presented himself as a sympathiser of the Partisans letting them believe he was working for them to a certain degree.

Vogt, the commander of the KdS Veldes, had been informed about his methods and contacts with the NOG during a loud verbal fight between Rozumek and Dr. Brandt, who had requested that this matter should be confidentially reported to the RSHA. Then, Rozumek said to Vogt: "Just let me do my work and I will soon pull all strings. This information became rather incriminating after the disclosure of his connections with the NOG through SD agencies and he had been reported by Gestapo officer Platzl in Kranj.

The mistrust towards Rozumek increased after the occurrence of Persterer, a member of the SD. Yet, as they feared reprisals, they decided to take the legal way and to hand in the discriminating materials to Schluifer. Rozumek's superiors believed that the procedure against him and his reassignment had been cancelled as a result of his successful measures, in particular the attack at Miklavc. Borchert had come to Bled several times more and, together with Rozumek, led the combat against the NOG. The RSHA sent an authorisation and instructions for placing false documents, for example on the redeployment of the units and the Gendarmerie to the front, an unsuccessful and hopeless combat of the Gestapo against the OF, intended operations against.

According to Vogt's statement, Rado Thaler had been a collaborator of the Gestapo since The allied intelligence services MI6 and OSS were doubtlessly informed about the meetings between the Gestapo and the Partisans, as the Thalers were relatives of Vauhnik. The rivalry between Persterer and Rozumek reached a peak during the disclosure of Vauhnik's network in Zagreb in May Persterer, who was Vauhnik's protector and an important source of information, timely informed Vauhnik on Rozumek's plan to eliminate the Ljubljana agencies.

The translation of the report dated 28 April states information on Rozumek, which he had been given by Sumper with an explanation that, as Helmuth's personal trustee, he was no longer bound to secrecy as he had been based on his prior written statement "that he had obliged himself under the threat of KL not to speak a word to anyone about what he had seen or heard during the time he was assigned to that position".

Freemason, could not be loyal enough to his line. Sumper emphasised that this rumour had been spread deliberately to facilitate Rozumek's future activities. The truth was that Rozumek had never been a Freemason, but had been regarded by the RSHA as a very competent criminal investigation officer who could be engaged for particularly sensitive issues. The agent continued: I had been told that Rozumek and his driver, Riedl, were at least once in contact with the regional [partisan, note by A.

Riedl remained there and the courier took Rozumek further on. About the talks that were held there I could learn only as much that they were also attended by allied officers, such as the British, Americans and Russians, among them a British major Johnson. During one of these talks, a photograph had been made which also included Rozumek and which was sent to Berlin.

The contact with this British major had been established through the Gestapo officer Guck, whom Rozumek also managed to fool so that he completely trusted him. Gugg [correctly Guck, note by A. Then they discussed together how they could take revenge on the National Socialist System. From this moment on, Rozumek had Gugg monitored and when he was of the opinion that they had monitored the circles that he was contacting, he was arrested and sent to the KZ where he died.

Simultaneously, a major part of the resistance movement had been disclosed and all had witnessed an unknown fate. Postwar Investigations on Rozumek Statements made by the investigated persons and the information delivered by the informants referring to Rozumek's fate upon the fall of the Third Reich, were non-unitary and partly conflicting.

This proves that after 7 May , when also the male members of the KdS had left for Carinthia and disbanded, he had succeeded to wipe out all of his tracts. According to the confession of Duscha, during his confinement in Wolfsberg, there were two pieces of information that were spread. According to one, he was working as a specialist for the Communist movement for the Brits in Hamburg, while according to the second version, which had been "doubtlessly been spread by the FSS", he remained in Slovenia in the service of the Yugoslav secret police. Duscha himself presumed that Rozumek was "hiding in western Allied-occupied zones and tried to renew his old contacts with the Freemasons".

A few days later, he had, during a visit of the camp at Viktring, met Rozumek which at that time was still in his uniform and wearing a weapon! He took his farewell from the interpreter with the following words: "Kordisch, you know all that we had been doing. You know all about me. You know all about my steps and my activities. Let's forget it! It's history now! You don't know anything about me and I know nothing about you. I wish you all the best for your future. Rozumek's appearings in Hamburg had also been confirmed by the last head of Referat IV N, to whom Rozumek had written a letter to the camp in Wolfsberg, stating that he hoped to soon find an appropriate job in Hamburg.

The author of the dossier referred to this piece of information as a good hint for Rozumek's whereabouts, as Rozumek had been a very good friend of Krimi-. The later was immediately after the war employed as the main representative of the soap and laundry detergent factory Persil. It is hence possible that he might have arranged a position for Rozumek in one of the affiliated enterprises of the leading companies in Hamburg. This fact became evident in an appeal of Justina Kolb related to the prosecution of Rozumek for the crimes committed on 16 July , sent to the Supreme Military Court of the 4th Army in Ljubljana.